Legends

@misc{dodd1972polynesian1,
    author = "Dodd, E",
    title = "Polynesian Seafaring",
    year = "1972",
    howpublished = "New York, Dodd, Mead",
    note = "talkorigins\_source = {true}; raw\_reference = {Dodd, E., 1972, Polynesian Seafaring: New York, Dodd, Mead.}"
}

@book{vitaliano1973legends2,
    author = "Vitaliano, D. B",
    title = "Legends of the Earth",
    year = "1973",
    publisher = "Their Geological Origins: Bloomington, Indiana University Press",
    note = "talkorigins\_source = {true}; raw\_reference = {Vitaliano, D. B., 1973, Legends of the Earth: Their Geological Origins: Bloomington, Indiana University Press.}"
}

@article{crossref1988polynesian,
    title = "Polynesian seafaring and navigation: ocean travel in Anutan culture and society",
    year = "1988",
    journal = "Choice Reviews Online",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.26-0989",
    doi = "10.5860/choice.26-0989",
    number = "02",
    openalex = "W650616378",
    pages = "26-0989-26-0989",
    volume = "26"
}

@misc{feinberg1988polynesian,
    author = "Feinberg, Richard",
    title = "Polynesian Seafaring and Navigation: Ocean Travel in Anutan Culture and Society",
    year = "1988",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1353/book26392",
    doi = "10.1353/book26392",
    openalex = "W4380741347"
}

@article{cranstone1989polynesian,
    author = "Cranstone, B. A. L. and Feinberg, Richard",
    title = "Polynesian Seafaring and Navigation: Ocean Travel in Anutan Culture and Society.",
    year = "1989",
    journal = "Man",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.2307/2804316",
    doi = "10.2307/2804316",
    number = "4",
    openalex = "W4300883977",
    pages = "698",
    volume = "24"
}

Experimental canoe voyages between Hawai'i, Tahiti, and Aotearoa (New Zealand) indicate that proponents of the “mythical” view of voyaging traditions cannot casually dismiss their historical basis because they believe it impossible for canoes navigated without instruments to have been intentionally sailed over such long distances. Furthermore, the key role of Hawaiians in this reinvention of Polynesian voyaging, and in particular their efforts to extend the sailing and navigational trials far beyond the original experimental plan, point toward a more Polynesian interpretation of voyaging traditions than one developed solely through Western analytical approaches.

@article{doi101525aa199193202a00060,
    author = "Finney, Ben",
    title = "Myth, Experiment, and the Reinvention of Polynesian Voyaging",
    year = "1991",
    journal = "American Anthropologist",
    abstract = "Experimental canoe voyages between Hawai'i, Tahiti, and Aotearoa (New Zealand) indicate that proponents of the “mythical” view of voyaging traditions cannot casually dismiss their historical basis because they believe it impossible for canoes navigated without instruments to have been intentionally sailed over such long distances. Furthermore, the key role of Hawaiians in this reinvention of Polynesian voyaging, and in particular their efforts to extend the sailing and navigational trials far beyond the original experimental plan, point toward a more Polynesian interpretation of voyaging traditions than one developed solely through Western analytical approaches.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1991.93.2.02a00060",
    doi = "10.1525/aa.1991.93.2.02a00060",
    openalex = "W2038922323"
}

Polynesian genetic affinities to populations of Asia were studied using mtDNA markers. A total of 1,037 individuals from 12 populations were screened for a 9-bp deletion in the intergenic region between the COII and tRNA(Lys) genes that approaches fixation in Polynesians. Sequence-specific oligonucleotide probes that identify specific mtDNA control region nucleotide substitutions were used to describe variation in individuals with the 9-bp deletion. The 9-bp deletion was not observed in northern Indians, Bangladeshis, or Pakistanis but was seen at low to moderate frequencies in the nine other Southeast Asian populations. Three substitutions in the control region at positions 16217, 16247, and 16261 have previously been observed at high frequency in Polynesian mtDNAs; this "Polynesian motif" was observed in 20% of east Indonesians with the 9-bp deletion but was observed in only one additional individual. mtDNA types related to the Polynesian motif are highest in frequency in the corridor from Taiwan south through the Philippines and east Indonesia, and the highest diversity for these types is in Taiwan. These results are consistent with linguistic evidence of a Taiwanese origin for the proto-Polynesian expansion, which spread throughout Oceania by way of Indonesia.

@article{openalexw1859164587,
    author = "Melton, Terry and Peterson, Raymond J. and Redd, Alan J. and Saha, N. and Sofro, Abdul Salam M. and Martinson, Jeremy and Stoneking, Mark",
    title = "Polynesian genetic affinities with Southeast Asian populations as identified by mtDNA analysis.",
    year = "1995",
    journal = "PubMed",
    abstract = {Polynesian genetic affinities to populations of Asia were studied using mtDNA markers. A total of 1,037 individuals from 12 populations were screened for a 9-bp deletion in the intergenic region between the COII and tRNA(Lys) genes that approaches fixation in Polynesians. Sequence-specific oligonucleotide probes that identify specific mtDNA control region nucleotide substitutions were used to describe variation in individuals with the 9-bp deletion. The 9-bp deletion was not observed in northern Indians, Bangladeshis, or Pakistanis but was seen at low to moderate frequencies in the nine other Southeast Asian populations. Three substitutions in the control region at positions 16217, 16247, and 16261 have previously been observed at high frequency in Polynesian mtDNAs; this "Polynesian motif" was observed in 20\% of east Indonesians with the 9-bp deletion but was observed in only one additional individual. mtDNA types related to the Polynesian motif are highest in frequency in the corridor from Taiwan south through the Philippines and east Indonesia, and the highest diversity for these types is in Taiwan. These results are consistent with linguistic evidence of a Taiwanese origin for the proto-Polynesian expansion, which spread throughout Oceania by way of Indonesia.},
    openalex = "W1859164587"
}

Using mitochondrial lineage analysis of 1,178 individuals from Polynesia, the western Pacific, and Taiwan, we show that the major prehistoric settlement of Polynesia was from the west and involved two or possibly three genetically distinct populations. The predominant lineage group, accounting for 94% of Polynesian mtDNA, shares a 9-bp COII/tRNA(Lys) intergenic deletion and characteristic control region transition variants, compared to the Cambridge reference sequence. In Polynesia, the diversity of this group is extremely restricted, while related lineages in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Taiwan are increasingly diverse. This suggests a relatively recent major eastward expansion into Polynesia, perhaps originating from Taiwan, in agreement with archeological and linguistic evidence, but which experienced one or more severe population bottlenecks. The second mitochondrial lineage group, accounting for 3.5% of Polynesian mtDNA haplotypes, does not have the 9-bp deletion and its characterized by an A-C transversional variant at nt position 16265. Specific oligonucleotides for this variant were used to select individuals from the population sample who, with other sequences, show that the Polynesian lineages were part of a diverse group in Vanuatu and Papua New Guinea. The very low overall diversity of both lineage groups in Polynesia suggests there was severe population restriction during the colonization of remote Oceania. A third group, represented by only four individuals (0.6%) in Polynesia but also present in the Philippines, shares variants at nt positions 16172 and 16304. Two Polynesians had unrelated haplotypes matching published sequences from native South Americans, which may be the first genetic evidence of prehistoric human contact between Polynesia and South America.

@article{openalexw1920724123,
    author = "Sykes, Bryan and Leiboff, A and Low-Beer, J and Tetzner, Susannah and Richards, Martin",
    title = "The origins of the Polynesians: an interpretation from mitochondrial lineage analysis.",
    year = "1995",
    journal = "PubMed",
    abstract = "Using mitochondrial lineage analysis of 1,178 individuals from Polynesia, the western Pacific, and Taiwan, we show that the major prehistoric settlement of Polynesia was from the west and involved two or possibly three genetically distinct populations. The predominant lineage group, accounting for 94\% of Polynesian mtDNA, shares a 9-bp COII/tRNA(Lys) intergenic deletion and characteristic control region transition variants, compared to the Cambridge reference sequence. In Polynesia, the diversity of this group is extremely restricted, while related lineages in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Taiwan are increasingly diverse. This suggests a relatively recent major eastward expansion into Polynesia, perhaps originating from Taiwan, in agreement with archeological and linguistic evidence, but which experienced one or more severe population bottlenecks. The second mitochondrial lineage group, accounting for 3.5\% of Polynesian mtDNA haplotypes, does not have the 9-bp deletion and its characterized by an A-C transversional variant at nt position 16265. Specific oligonucleotides for this variant were used to select individuals from the population sample who, with other sequences, show that the Polynesian lineages were part of a diverse group in Vanuatu and Papua New Guinea. The very low overall diversity of both lineage groups in Polynesia suggests there was severe population restriction during the colonization of remote Oceania. A third group, represented by only four individuals (0.6\%) in Polynesia but also present in the Philippines, shares variants at nt positions 16172 and 16304. Two Polynesians had unrelated haplotypes matching published sequences from native South Americans, which may be the first genetic evidence of prehistoric human contact between Polynesia and South America.",
    openalex = "W1920724123"
}

The question surrounding the colonization of Polynesia has remained controversial. Two hypotheses, one postulating Taiwan as the putative homeland and the other asserting a Melanesian origin of the Polynesian people, have received considerable attention. In this work, we present haplotype data based on the distribution of 19 biallelic polymorphisms on the Y chromosome in a sample of 551 male individuals from 36 populations living in Southeast Asia, Taiwan, Micronesia, Melanesia, and Polynesia. Surprisingly, nearly none of the Taiwanese Y haplotypes were found in Micronesia and Polynesia. Likewise, a Melanesian-specific haplotype was not found among the Polynesians. However, all of the Polynesian, Micronesian, and Taiwanese haplotypes are present in the extant Southeast Asian populations. Evidently, the Y-chromosome data do not lend support to either of the prevailing hypotheses. Rather, we postulate that Southeast Asia provided a genetic source for two independent migrations, one toward Taiwan and the other toward Polynesia through island Southeast Asia.

@article{doi101073pnas97158225,
    author = "Su, Bing and Li, Jin and Underhill, Peter A. and Martinson, Jeremy and Saha, Nilmani and McGarvey, Stephen T. and Shriver, Mark D. and Chu, Jiayou and Oefner, Peter J. and Chakraborty, Ranajit and Deka, Ranjan",
    title = "Polynesian origins: Insights from the Y chromosome",
    year = "2000",
    journal = "Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences",
    abstract = "The question surrounding the colonization of Polynesia has remained controversial. Two hypotheses, one postulating Taiwan as the putative homeland and the other asserting a Melanesian origin of the Polynesian people, have received considerable attention. In this work, we present haplotype data based on the distribution of 19 biallelic polymorphisms on the Y chromosome in a sample of 551 male individuals from 36 populations living in Southeast Asia, Taiwan, Micronesia, Melanesia, and Polynesia. Surprisingly, nearly none of the Taiwanese Y haplotypes were found in Micronesia and Polynesia. Likewise, a Melanesian-specific haplotype was not found among the Polynesians. However, all of the Polynesian, Micronesian, and Taiwanese haplotypes are present in the extant Southeast Asian populations. Evidently, the Y-chromosome data do not lend support to either of the prevailing hypotheses. Rather, we postulate that Southeast Asia provided a genetic source for two independent migrations, one toward Taiwan and the other toward Polynesia through island Southeast Asia.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.97.15.8225",
    doi = "10.1073/pnas.97.15.8225",
    openalex = "W2134907716"
}

AbstractIndigenous people throughout the world developed their own mapping skills and systems of knowledge. While Westerners are prone to overlook these communities' geographical knowledge and imagine their mapping activities to be primitive or non-existent, their mental maps are often impressive in sophistication and detailed even if based on cosmologies that are quite foreign to Western thinking. This article depicts a mental map of the ocean floor shared by Polynesians of Anuta, a remote community in the Solomon Islands. It situates Anuta's reef map in relation to academic discussions of indigenous cartography and describes the process that resulted in the map's physical representation.

@article{doi101179000870403225012943,
    author = "Feinberg, Richard and Dymon, Ute J. and Paiaki, Pu and Rangituteki, Pu and Nukuriaki, Pu and Rollins, Matthew G.",
    title = "'Drawing the Coral Heads': Mental Mapping and its Physical Representation in a Polynesian Community",
    year = "2003",
    journal = "The Cartographic Journal",
    abstract = "AbstractIndigenous people throughout the world developed their own mapping skills and systems of knowledge. While Westerners are prone to overlook these communities' geographical knowledge and imagine their mapping activities to be primitive or non-existent, their mental maps are often impressive in sophistication and detailed even if based on cosmologies that are quite foreign to Western thinking. This article depicts a mental map of the ocean floor shared by Polynesians of Anuta, a remote community in the Solomon Islands. It situates Anuta's reef map in relation to academic discussions of indigenous cartography and describes the process that resulted in the map's physical representation.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1179/000870403225012943",
    doi = "10.1179/000870403225012943",
    openalex = "W2074577478",
    references = "crossref1988polynesian, feinberg1988polynesian"
}

While the prevailing theoretical orthodoxy of North American archaeology overwhelmingly discourages consideration of transoceanic cultural diffusion, linguistic and archaeological evidence appear to indicate at least one instance of direct cultural contact between Polynesia and southern California during the prehistoric era. Three words used to refer to boats - including the distinctive sewn-plank canoe used by Chumashan and Gabrielino speakers of the southern California coast - are odd by the phonotactic and morphological standards of their languages and appear to correlate with Proto-Central Eastern Polynesian terms associated with woodworking and canoe construction. Chumashan and Gabrielino speakers seem to have borrowed this complex of words along with the sewn-plank construction technique itself sometime between ca. A.D. 400 and 800, at which time there is also evidence for punctuated adaptive change (e.g., increased exploitation of pelagic fish) and appearance of a Polynesian style two-piece bone fishhook in the Santa Barbara Channel. These developments were coeval with a period of major exploratory seafaring by the Polynesians that resulted in the discovery and settlement of Hawaii - the nearest Polynesian outpost to southern California. Archaeological and ethnographic information from the Pacific indicates that the Polynesians had the capabilities of navigation, boat construction, and sailing, as well as the cultural incentives to complete a one-way passage from Hawaii to the mainland of southern California. These findings suggest that diffusion and other forms of historical contingency still need to be considered in constructions of North American prehistory.

@article{doi10230740035309,
    author = "Jones, Terry L. and Klar, Kathryn A.",
    title = "Diffusionism Reconsidered: Linguistic and Archaeological Evidence for Prehistoric Polynesian Contact with Southern California",
    year = "2005",
    journal = "American Antiquity",
    abstract = "While the prevailing theoretical orthodoxy of North American archaeology overwhelmingly discourages consideration of transoceanic cultural diffusion, linguistic and archaeological evidence appear to indicate at least one instance of direct cultural contact between Polynesia and southern California during the prehistoric era. Three words used to refer to boats - including the distinctive sewn-plank canoe used by Chumashan and Gabrielino speakers of the southern California coast - are odd by the phonotactic and morphological standards of their languages and appear to correlate with Proto-Central Eastern Polynesian terms associated with woodworking and canoe construction. Chumashan and Gabrielino speakers seem to have borrowed this complex of words along with the sewn-plank construction technique itself sometime between ca. A.D. 400 and 800, at which time there is also evidence for punctuated adaptive change (e.g., increased exploitation of pelagic fish) and appearance of a Polynesian style two-piece bone fishhook in the Santa Barbara Channel. These developments were coeval with a period of major exploratory seafaring by the Polynesians that resulted in the discovery and settlement of Hawaii - the nearest Polynesian outpost to southern California. Archaeological and ethnographic information from the Pacific indicates that the Polynesians had the capabilities of navigation, boat construction, and sailing, as well as the cultural incentives to complete a one-way passage from Hawaii to the mainland of southern California. These findings suggest that diffusion and other forms of historical contingency still need to be considered in constructions of North American prehistory.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.2307/40035309",
    doi = "10.2307/40035309",
    openalex = "W2010502900",
    references = "doi101017cbo9780511612060, doi10108000291955108551718, doi101093oso97801950942750010001, doi101126science1078208, doi1015159780824842260, doi101525jlin2000102297, doi1023071920367, doi102307417069, doi102307480615, openalexw1493923506, openalexw1515814298, openalexw605076314"
}

The hypothesis presented by Jones and Klar (2005) that elements of prehistoric Chumash technology and language arrived from East Polynesia is considered. Trans-oceanic diffusion in general should not be rejected out of hand, but in this case it is improbable that it involved East Polynesia. There are substantial differences in the sewn-plank canoes at issue and the compound hooks are of a general form that is not confined to Polynesia. The chronology of East Polynesian colonization is probably too late for diffusion to southern California before A.D. 700. East Polynesian seafaring may have been inadequate to reach the Californian coast. If the explanation is diffusionary, then a source in East Asia is more plausible.

@article{anderson2006polynesian,
    author = "Anderson, Atholl",
    title = "Polynesian Seafaring and American Horizons: A Response to Jones and Klar",
    year = "2006",
    journal = "American Antiquity",
    abstract = "The hypothesis presented by Jones and Klar (2005) that elements of prehistoric Chumash technology and language arrived from East Polynesia is considered. Trans-oceanic diffusion in general should not be rejected out of hand, but in this case it is improbable that it involved East Polynesia. There are substantial differences in the sewn-plank canoes at issue and the compound hooks are of a general form that is not confined to Polynesia. The chronology of East Polynesian colonization is probably too late for diffusion to southern California before A.D. 700. East Polynesian seafaring may have been inadequate to reach the Californian coast. If the explanation is diffusionary, then a source in East Asia is more plausible.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.2307/40035888",
    doi = "10.2307/40035888",
    number = "4",
    openalex = "W2325606658",
    pages = "759-763",
    volume = "71",
    references = "doi101016jtree200411006, doi101017cbo9780511518225, doi101073pnas0403120101, doi10108000291955108551718, doi1011910959683606hl901ft, doi1023072800787, doi10230740035309, doi105860choice401704, openalexw1567152965, openalexw650442117"
}

The origin of the Polynesian bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria), an important crop species in prehistoric Polynesia, has remained elusive. Most recently, a South American origin has been favored as the bottle gourd could have been introduced from this continent with the sweet potato by Polynesian voyagers around A.D. 1,000. To test the hypothesis of an American origin for the Polynesian bottle gourd, we developed seven markers specific to bottle gourd (two chloroplast and five nuclear). The nuclear markers were developed using a new technique where polymorphic inter simple sequence repeat (ISSR) markers are converted into single-locus polymerase chain reaction and sequencing markers--an approach that will be useful for developing markers in other taxa. All seven markers were sequenced in 36 cultivars of bottle gourd from Asia, the Americas, and Polynesia. The results support a dual origin for the Polynesian bottle gourd: the chloroplast markers are exclusively of Asian origin, but the nuclear markers show alleles originating in both the Americas and Asia. Because hybridization of Polynesian bottle gourds with post-European introductions cannot be excluded, ancient DNA from archaeological material will be useful for further elucidating the prehistoric movements of this species in Polynesia. This work has implications not only for the dispersal of the Polynesian bottle gourd but also for the domestication and dispersal of the species as a whole.

@article{doi101093molbevmsj092,
    author = "Clarke, Andrew and Burtenshaw, M. K. and McLenachan, Patricia A. and Erickson, David L. and Penny, David",
    title = "Reconstructing the Origins and Dispersal of the Polynesian Bottle Gourd (Lagenaria siceraria)",
    year = "2006",
    journal = "Molecular Biology and Evolution",
    abstract = "The origin of the Polynesian bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria), an important crop species in prehistoric Polynesia, has remained elusive. Most recently, a South American origin has been favored as the bottle gourd could have been introduced from this continent with the sweet potato by Polynesian voyagers around A.D. 1,000. To test the hypothesis of an American origin for the Polynesian bottle gourd, we developed seven markers specific to bottle gourd (two chloroplast and five nuclear). The nuclear markers were developed using a new technique where polymorphic inter simple sequence repeat (ISSR) markers are converted into single-locus polymerase chain reaction and sequencing markers--an approach that will be useful for developing markers in other taxa. All seven markers were sequenced in 36 cultivars of bottle gourd from Asia, the Americas, and Polynesia. The results support a dual origin for the Polynesian bottle gourd: the chloroplast markers are exclusively of Asian origin, but the nuclear markers show alleles originating in both the Americas and Asia. Because hybridization of Polynesian bottle gourds with post-European introductions cannot be excluded, ancient DNA from archaeological material will be useful for further elucidating the prehistoric movements of this species in Polynesia. This work has implications not only for the dispersal of the Polynesian bottle gourd but also for the domestication and dispersal of the species as a whole.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msj092",
    doi = "10.1093/molbev/msj092",
    openalex = "W2147439565",
    references = "doi10230740035309"
}

Two issues long debated among Pacific and American prehistorians are (i) whether there was a pre-Columbian introduction of chicken (Gallus gallus) to the Americas and (ii) whether Polynesian contact with South America might be identified archaeologically, through the recovery of remains of unquestionable Polynesian origin. We present a radiocarbon date and an ancient DNA sequence from a single chicken bone recovered from the archaeological site of El Arenal-1, on the Arauco Peninsula, Chile. These results not only provide firm evidence for the pre-Columbian introduction of chickens to the Americas, but strongly suggest that it was a Polynesian introduction.

@article{doi101073pnas0703993104,
    author = "Storey, Alice A. and Ramírez, José Miguel and Quiróz, Daniel and Burley, David V. and Addison, David and Walter, Richard and Anderson, Atholl and Hunt, Terry L. and Athens, J. Stephen and Huynen, Leon and Matisoo‐Smith, Elizabeth",
    title = "Radiocarbon and DNA evidence for a pre-Columbian introduction of Polynesian chickens to Chile",
    year = "2007",
    journal = "Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences",
    abstract = "Two issues long debated among Pacific and American prehistorians are (i) whether there was a pre-Columbian introduction of chicken (Gallus gallus) to the Americas and (ii) whether Polynesian contact with South America might be identified archaeologically, through the recovery of remains of unquestionable Polynesian origin. We present a radiocarbon date and an ancient DNA sequence from a single chicken bone recovered from the archaeological site of El Arenal-1, on the Arauco Peninsula, Chile. These results not only provide firm evidence for the pre-Columbian introduction of chickens to the Americas, but strongly suggest that it was a Polynesian introduction.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0703993104",
    doi = "10.1073/pnas.0703993104",
    openalex = "W2101469307",
    references = "anderson2006polynesian, doi101016002228369090225b, doi101016jympev200509014, doi101017cbo9780511518225, doi101017s0033822200013904, doi101017s0033822200033014, doi101038nature03156, doi101073pnas0403120101, doi102307210779, doi10230740035309, doi105860choice382228, openalexw1750514349, openalexw2169113751"
}

In her recent article, "Credit Where Credit is Due: The History of the Chumash Oceangoing Plank Canoes," Jeanne Arnold questions our 2005 paper in which we suggested that a prehistoric contact event with Polynesians resulted in conveyance of the sewn-plank boat construction technique and a particular style of compound bone fishhook to the Chumash and Gabrielino of southern California. We agree with many of Arnold's views about the cascading effects of sewn-plank boat construction on Native societies of southern California, but question her dismissal of certain aspects of the empirical record, particularly the linguistics, in portraying this invention as strictly autochthonous. Here we recast aspects of the linguistic evidence that Arnold overlooks, provide evidence from oral history which she says is lacking, and discuss chronological issues that are much less straightforward than she suggests. We also mention implications of recent findings from South America. Finally, we submit that we have not discredited the Chumash or any other Native society in developing this hypothesis.

@article{doi101017s0002731600047557,
    author = "Jones, Terry L. and Klar, Kathryn A.",
    title = "On Linguistics and Cascading Inventions: A Comment on Arnold's Dismissal of a Polynesian Contact Event in Southern California",
    year = "2009",
    journal = "American Antiquity",
    abstract = {In her recent article, "Credit Where Credit is Due: The History of the Chumash Oceangoing Plank Canoes," Jeanne Arnold questions our 2005 paper in which we suggested that a prehistoric contact event with Polynesians resulted in conveyance of the sewn-plank boat construction technique and a particular style of compound bone fishhook to the Chumash and Gabrielino of southern California. We agree with many of Arnold's views about the cascading effects of sewn-plank boat construction on Native societies of southern California, but question her dismissal of certain aspects of the empirical record, particularly the linguistics, in portraying this invention as strictly autochthonous. Here we recast aspects of the linguistic evidence that Arnold overlooks, provide evidence from oral history which she says is lacking, and discuss chronological issues that are much less straightforward than she suggests. We also mention implications of recent findings from South America. Finally, we submit that we have not discredited the Chumash or any other Native society in developing this hypothesis.},
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600047557",
    doi = "10.1017/s0002731600047557",
    openalex = "W2485512184",
    references = "anderson2006polynesian, doi101017cbo9780511486852, doi101017s0003598x00045324, doi101073pnas0703993104, doi101073pnas0801991105, doi101126science1121879, doi1015159780824842260, doi1015259780520968899, doi101525aa200710918, doi10230740035309, doi105860choice455067"
}

Abstract The last twenty years has seen an apparent consensus that the immediate origins of Polynesian language, culture and biology lie solely with the Lapita peoples and cultures that settled Samoa and Tonga by 2700 years ago. We suggest that there is increasing evidence that does not sit well with this generally accepted view of Polynesian origins and thus we put forward an alternative model for consideration. Building on Green's suggestion of over 20 years ago, we propose that some of the ideas in his Triple‐I model (Green 1991a) might also be usefully applied to conceptualizing the processes involved in Polynesian origins. Specifically, we suggest that in addition to Lapita origins, there were significant later elements introduced to Polynesia that were fundamental to the development of Polynesian culture and biology prior to the settlement of East Polynesia. Current data suggest that some of these elements are shared with Micronesia and may be ultimately derived from post‐Lapita population movements, perhaps from Island Southeast Asia through the low islands of the Carolines, Kiribati and Tuvalu to West Polynesia.

@article{doi101002j183444532010tb00072x,
    author = "Addison, David and Matisoo‐Smith, Elizabeth",
    title = "Rethinking Polynesians origins: A West‐Polynesia Triple‐I Model",
    year = "2010",
    journal = "Archaeology in Oceania/Archæology \& physical anthropology in Oceania",
    abstract = "Abstract The last twenty years has seen an apparent consensus that the immediate origins of Polynesian language, culture and biology lie solely with the Lapita peoples and cultures that settled Samoa and Tonga by 2700 years ago. We suggest that there is increasing evidence that does not sit well with this generally accepted view of Polynesian origins and thus we put forward an alternative model for consideration. Building on Green's suggestion of over 20 years ago, we propose that some of the ideas in his Triple‐I model (Green 1991a) might also be usefully applied to conceptualizing the processes involved in Polynesian origins. Specifically, we suggest that in addition to Lapita origins, there were significant later elements introduced to Polynesia that were fundamental to the development of Polynesian culture and biology prior to the settlement of East Polynesia. Current data suggest that some of these elements are shared with Micronesia and may be ultimately derived from post‐Lapita population movements, perhaps from Island Southeast Asia through the low islands of the Carolines, Kiribati and Tuvalu to West Polynesia.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1834-4453.2010.tb00072.x",
    doi = "10.1002/j.1834-4453.2010.tb00072.x",
    openalex = "W2022198047",
    references = "doi10108000291955108551718, doi10108015564890903155273"
}

UNLABELLED: Seafarers are exposed to a high diversity of occupational health hazards onboard ships. OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is to present a survey of the current, most important hazards in seafaring including recommendations on measures how to deal with these problems. METHODS: The review is based on maritime expert opinions as well a PubMed analysis related to the occupational risks of seafaring. RESULTS: Despite recent advances in injury prevention, accidents due to harmful working and living conditions at sea and of non-observance of safety rules remain a main cause of injury and death. Mortality in seafaring from cardiovascular diseases (CVD) is mainly caused by increased risks and impaired treatment options of CVD at sea. Further, shipboard stress and high demand may lead to fatigue and isolation which have an impact on the health of onboard seafarers. Communicable diseases in seafaring remain an occupational problem. Exposures to hazardous substances and UV-light are important health risks onboard ships. Because of harsh working conditions onboard including environmental conditions, sufficient recreational activities are needed for the seafarers' compensation both onboard and ashore. However, in reality there is often a lack of leisure time possibilities. DISCUSSION: Seafaring is still an occupation with specific work-related risks. Thus, a further reduction of occupational hazards aboard ships is needed and poses a challenge for maritime health specialists and stakeholders. Nowadays, maritime medicine encompasses a broad field of workplaces with different job-related challenges.

@article{doi101539johk10004,
    author = "Oldenburg, Marcus and Baur, Xaver and Schlaich, Clara",
    title = "Occupational Risks and Challenges of Seafaring",
    year = "2010",
    journal = "Journal of Occupational Health",
    abstract = "UNLABELLED: Seafarers are exposed to a high diversity of occupational health hazards onboard ships. OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is to present a survey of the current, most important hazards in seafaring including recommendations on measures how to deal with these problems. METHODS: The review is based on maritime expert opinions as well a PubMed analysis related to the occupational risks of seafaring. RESULTS: Despite recent advances in injury prevention, accidents due to harmful working and living conditions at sea and of non-observance of safety rules remain a main cause of injury and death. Mortality in seafaring from cardiovascular diseases (CVD) is mainly caused by increased risks and impaired treatment options of CVD at sea. Further, shipboard stress and high demand may lead to fatigue and isolation which have an impact on the health of onboard seafarers. Communicable diseases in seafaring remain an occupational problem. Exposures to hazardous substances and UV-light are important health risks onboard ships. Because of harsh working conditions onboard including environmental conditions, sufficient recreational activities are needed for the seafarers' compensation both onboard and ashore. However, in reality there is often a lack of leisure time possibilities. DISCUSSION: Seafaring is still an occupation with specific work-related risks. Thus, a further reduction of occupational hazards aboard ships is needed and poses a challenge for maritime health specialists and stakeholders. Nowadays, maritime medicine encompasses a broad field of workplaces with different job-related challenges.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1539/joh.k10004",
    doi = "10.1539/joh.k10004",
    openalex = "W1996864343"
}

"The Global Origins and Development of Seafaring." The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology, 6(2), pp. 331–332

@article{doi101080155648942011582072,
    author = "Callaghan, Richard",
    title = "The Global Origins and Development of Seafaring",
    year = "2011",
    journal = "The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology",
    abstract = {"The Global Origins and Development of Seafaring." The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology, 6(2), pp. 331–332},
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1080/15564894.2011.582072",
    doi = "10.1080/15564894.2011.582072",
    openalex = "W2114421629"
}

Background: Seafaring is a particular profession, in which workers are usually exposed to several stres-sors that are related to the different duties on board ships. This paper has reviewed the main publications on different factors affecting seafarers with the purpose of identifying specific stress factors related to a particular duty on board. Materials and methods: A literature search was conducted using the online databases PubMed and OvidSP. A survey on health, stress, and fatigue of Australian Seafarers published by the Australian Mari-time Safety Authority (AMSA) fulfilling the selection criteria was also examined. This publication provided relevant data obtained from a large sample of seafarers. Results: Our analysis confirmed that seafaring is associated with mental, psychosocial, and physical stres-sors. The most important factors were separation from family, loneliness on board, fatigue, multi-national-ity, limited recreation activity, and sleep deprivation. The AMSA report gave a more detailed analysis on lifestyle and relevant factors inducing psychological distress. Stressors affecting seafarers working in the engine room were different from those involving the deck crew. Sleep quality and duration were reported to be poor mainly in pilots, whereas deck crew tended to be less adherent to physical exercise and healthy

@article{openalexw2166125931,
    author = "Carotenuto, Anna and Molino, Ivana and Fasanaro, Angiola Maria and Amenta, Francesco",
    title = "Psychological stress in seafarers: a review.",
    year = "2012",
    abstract = "Background: Seafaring is a particular profession, in which workers are usually exposed to several stres-sors that are related to the different duties on board ships. This paper has reviewed the main publications on different factors affecting seafarers with the purpose of identifying specific stress factors related to a particular duty on board. Materials and methods: A literature search was conducted using the online databases PubMed and OvidSP. A survey on health, stress, and fatigue of Australian Seafarers published by the Australian Mari-time Safety Authority (AMSA) fulfilling the selection criteria was also examined. This publication provided relevant data obtained from a large sample of seafarers. Results: Our analysis confirmed that seafaring is associated with mental, psychosocial, and physical stres-sors. The most important factors were separation from family, loneliness on board, fatigue, multi-national-ity, limited recreation activity, and sleep deprivation. The AMSA report gave a more detailed analysis on lifestyle and relevant factors inducing psychological distress. Stressors affecting seafarers working in the engine room were different from those involving the deck crew. Sleep quality and duration were reported to be poor mainly in pilots, whereas deck crew tended to be less adherent to physical exercise and healthy",
    openalex = "W2166125931"
}

The shortage of seafarers (especially ship officers) has already been identified as a global issue that is more likely to worsen in the immediate future. Thus, increasing attention needs to be given to the problems that hinder the effective recruitment and retention of seafarers in order to stabilize the flow of skilled labor to the global shipping industry. The aim of this paper is to discuss the seafarer shortage issue from the perspective of Vietnam which is one of the key emerging sources of crew supply in Asia. Specifically, a case study research involving the Vietnam Ocean Shipping Joint Stock Company (VOSCO) is used to highlight the challenges confronting the current recruitment and retention of seafarers in Vietnam. With regards to recruitment, it was found that the low quality of graduates and trained seafarers, as well as the lack of competent onshore crew executives are pertinent issues that need to be addressed by shipping industry employers in Vietnam. In terms of retention, poor working and living conditions on-board ships is a key factor that must be given attention to improve retention among seafarers. This study recommends the development of effective human resource strategies for companies such as VOSCO and other shipping industry employers of Vietnamese seafarers in order to improve their recruitment and retention rates.

@article{doi101016jajsl201409005,
    author = "Nguyen, Trong Thanh and Ghaderi, ‬Hadi and Caesar, Livingstone Divine and Cahoon, Stephen",
    title = "Current Challenges in the Recruitment and Retention of Seafarers: An Industry Perspective from Vietnam",
    year = "2014",
    journal = "The Asian Journal of Shipping and Logistics",
    abstract = "The shortage of seafarers (especially ship officers) has already been identified as a global issue that is more likely to worsen in the immediate future. Thus, increasing attention needs to be given to the problems that hinder the effective recruitment and retention of seafarers in order to stabilize the flow of skilled labor to the global shipping industry. The aim of this paper is to discuss the seafarer shortage issue from the perspective of Vietnam which is one of the key emerging sources of crew supply in Asia. Specifically, a case study research involving the Vietnam Ocean Shipping Joint Stock Company (VOSCO) is used to highlight the challenges confronting the current recruitment and retention of seafarers in Vietnam. With regards to recruitment, it was found that the low quality of graduates and trained seafarers, as well as the lack of competent onshore crew executives are pertinent issues that need to be addressed by shipping industry employers in Vietnam. In terms of retention, poor working and living conditions on-board ships is a key factor that must be given attention to improve retention among seafarers. This study recommends the development of effective human resource strategies for companies such as VOSCO and other shipping industry employers of Vietnamese seafarers in order to improve their recruitment and retention rates.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajsl.2014.09.005",
    doi = "10.1016/j.ajsl.2014.09.005",
    openalex = "W1973066811"
}

This paper reintroduces the concept of mass migration into debates concerning the timing and nature of New Zealand’s settlement by Polynesians. Upward revisions of New Zealand’s chronology show that the appearance of humans on the landscape occurred extremely rapidly, and that within decades settlements had been established across the full range of climatic zones. We show that the rapid appearance of a strong archaeological signature in the early 14th century AD is the result of a mass migration event, not the consequence of gradual demographic growth out of a currently unidentified earlier phase of settlement. Mass migration is not only consistent with the archaeological record but is supported by recent findings in molecular biology and genetics. It also opens the door to a new phase of engagement between archaeological method and indigenous Maori and Polynesian oral history and tradition.

@article{doi101007s109630179110y,
    author = "Walter, Richard and Buckley, Hallie R. and Jacomb, Chris and Matisoo‐Smith, Elizabeth",
    title = "Mass Migration and the Polynesian Settlement of New Zealand",
    year = "2017",
    journal = "Journal of World Prehistory",
    abstract = "This paper reintroduces the concept of mass migration into debates concerning the timing and nature of New Zealand’s settlement by Polynesians. Upward revisions of New Zealand’s chronology show that the appearance of humans on the landscape occurred extremely rapidly, and that within decades settlements had been established across the full range of climatic zones. We show that the rapid appearance of a strong archaeological signature in the early 14th century AD is the result of a mass migration event, not the consequence of gradual demographic growth out of a currently unidentified earlier phase of settlement. Mass migration is not only consistent with the archaeological record but is supported by recent findings in molecular biology and genetics. It also opens the door to a new phase of engagement between archaeological method and indigenous Maori and Polynesian oral history and tradition.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1007/s10963-017-9110-y",
    doi = "10.1007/s10963-017-9110-y",
    openalex = "W2764222256",
    references = "doi101002ajpa1330340613, doi101111j174579391994tb00409x, doi101177019791838902300313, doi101525aa199092402a00030, doi1023072060063, doi1023072546433, doi1023072802456, doi102458azujsrc5516783, openalexw3183702873"
}

@incollection{anderson2018finding,
    author = "Anderson, Atholl",
    title = "Finding Tonganui: East Polynesian Seafaring and Migration to New Zealand",
    year = "2018",
    booktitle = "New Zealand and the Sea: Historical Perspectives",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.7810/9780947518707\_1",
    doi = "10.7810/9780947518707\_1",
    openalex = "W2897896667",
    pages = "30-49"
}

Abstract This paper considers the role of seafaring as an important aspect of everyday life in the communities of prehistoric Cyprus. The maritime capabilities developed by early seafarers enabled them to explore new lands and seas, tap new marine resources and make use of accessible coastal sites. Over the long term, the core activities of seafaring revolved around the exploitation of marine and coastal resources, the mobility of people and the transport and exchange of goods. On Cyprus, although we lack direct material evidence (e.g. shipwrecks, ship representations) before about 2000 BC, there is no question that beginning at least by the eleventh millennium Cal BC (Late Epipalaeolithic), early seafarers sailed between the nearby mainland and Cyprus, in all likelihood several times per year. In the long stretch of time—some 4000 years—between the Late Aceramic Neolithic and the onset of the Late Chalcolithic (ca. 6800–2700 Cal BC), most archaeologists passively accept the notion that the inhabitants of Cyprus turned their backs to the sea. In contrast, this study entertains the likelihood that Cyprus was never truly isolated from the sea, and considers maritime-related materials and practices during each era from the eleventh to the early second millennium Cal BC. In concluding, I present a broader picture of everything from rural anchorages to those invisible maritime behaviours that may help us better to understand seafaring as an everyday practice on Cyprus.

@article{doi101007s11457020092777,
    author = "Knapp, A. Bernard",
    title = "Maritime Narratives of Prehistoric Cyprus: Seafaring as Everyday Practice",
    year = "2020",
    journal = "Journal of Maritime Archaeology",
    abstract = "Abstract This paper considers the role of seafaring as an important aspect of everyday life in the communities of prehistoric Cyprus. The maritime capabilities developed by early seafarers enabled them to explore new lands and seas, tap new marine resources and make use of accessible coastal sites. Over the long term, the core activities of seafaring revolved around the exploitation of marine and coastal resources, the mobility of people and the transport and exchange of goods. On Cyprus, although we lack direct material evidence (e.g. shipwrecks, ship representations) before about 2000 BC, there is no question that beginning at least by the eleventh millennium Cal BC (Late Epipalaeolithic), early seafarers sailed between the nearby mainland and Cyprus, in all likelihood several times per year. In the long stretch of time—some 4000 years—between the Late Aceramic Neolithic and the onset of the Late Chalcolithic (ca. 6800–2700 Cal BC), most archaeologists passively accept the notion that the inhabitants of Cyprus turned their backs to the sea. In contrast, this study entertains the likelihood that Cyprus was never truly isolated from the sea, and considers maritime-related materials and practices during each era from the eleventh to the early second millennium Cal BC. In concluding, I present a broader picture of everything from rural anchorages to those invisible maritime behaviours that may help us better to understand seafaring as an everyday practice on Cyprus.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1007/s11457-020-09277-7",
    doi = "10.1007/s11457-020-09277-7",
    openalex = "W3093173544",
    references = "doi1010800043824320151078739"
}

Abstract Reconstructing routes of ancient long-distance voyaging, long a topic of speculation, has become possible thanks to advances in the geochemical sourcing of archaeological artifacts. Of particular interest are islands classified as Polynesian Outliers, where people speak Polynesian languages and have distinctly Polynesian cultural traits, but are located within the Melanesian or Micronesian cultural areas. While the classification of these groups as Polynesian is not in dispute, the material evidence for the movement between Polynesia and the Polynesian Outliers is exceedingly rare, unconfirmed, and in most cases, nonexistent. We report on the first comprehensive sourcing (using a portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometer) of obsidian and volcanic glass artifacts recovered from excavations on the Polynesian Outlier island of Tikopia. We find evidence for: (1) initial settlement followed by continued voyages between Tikopia and an island Melanesian homeland; (2) long-distance voyaging becoming much less frequent and continuing to decline; and (3) later voyaging from Polynesia marked by imports of volcanic glass from Tonga beginning at 765 cal yr BP (±54 yr). Later long-distance voyages from Polynesia were surprisingly rare, given the strong cultural and linguistic influences of Polynesia, and we suggest, may indicate that Tikopia was targeted by Tongans for political expansion.

@article{doi101017qua202038,
    author = "McCoy, Mark D. and Cervera, Caroline and Mulrooney, Mara A. and McAlister, Andrew and Kirch, Patrick Vinton",
    title = "Obsidian and volcanic glass artifact evidence for long-distance voyaging to the Polynesian Outlier island of Tikopia",
    year = "2020",
    journal = "Quaternary Research",
    abstract = "Abstract Reconstructing routes of ancient long-distance voyaging, long a topic of speculation, has become possible thanks to advances in the geochemical sourcing of archaeological artifacts. Of particular interest are islands classified as Polynesian Outliers, where people speak Polynesian languages and have distinctly Polynesian cultural traits, but are located within the Melanesian or Micronesian cultural areas. While the classification of these groups as Polynesian is not in dispute, the material evidence for the movement between Polynesia and the Polynesian Outliers is exceedingly rare, unconfirmed, and in most cases, nonexistent. We report on the first comprehensive sourcing (using a portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometer) of obsidian and volcanic glass artifacts recovered from excavations on the Polynesian Outlier island of Tikopia. We find evidence for: (1) initial settlement followed by continued voyages between Tikopia and an island Melanesian homeland; (2) long-distance voyaging becoming much less frequent and continuing to decline; and (3) later voyaging from Polynesia marked by imports of volcanic glass from Tonga beginning at 765 cal yr BP (±54 yr). Later long-distance voyages from Polynesia were surprisingly rare, given the strong cultural and linguistic influences of Polynesia, and we suggest, may indicate that Tikopia was targeted by Tongans for political expansion.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1017/qua.2020.38",
    doi = "10.1017/qua.2020.38",
    openalex = "W3035578996",
    references = "doi103390d9030037"
}

The paper applies the concept of total institution (E. Goffman) to the specific reality of seafarers. During shipboard service, the mentioned social category has a limited choice of physical space, content, and social contacts. Seafarers are required to adapt to the conditions on board and to the authority of the company and of higher-ranking crew members that govern their daily lives. The challenges of working and living at sea result in the trend of increasing numbers of experienced and highly educated seafarers leaving the profession. The study aims to investigate the seafaring conditions among Dalmatian seafarers, as well as their future career projections. It was conducted between June and July 2020 using the method of online survey, which included a snowball sample of 112 respondents. The results indicate a lack of satisfaction in relation to most of the considered aspects of seafaring, except for earnings, including the possibility of promotion and communication with family and friends. While most of the seafarers surveyed consider these conditions sufficient to spend their entire working lives at sea, one in three respondents has no such intention (31.4%). More specifically, 42.6% of the respondents intend to stay at sea only because they believe finding a better job ashore would Sociologija i prostor, 60 (

@article{doi105673sip6023,
    author = "Popović, Toni and Relja, Renata and Gutović, Tea",
    title = "Contributions to the Debate on the Ship as a Total Institution: A Survey among Dalmatian Seafarers",
    year = "2022",
    journal = "Sociologija i prostor",
    abstract = "The paper applies the concept of total institution (E. Goffman) to the specific reality of seafarers. During shipboard service, the mentioned social category has a limited choice of physical space, content, and social contacts. Seafarers are required to adapt to the conditions on board and to the authority of the company and of higher-ranking crew members that govern their daily lives. The challenges of working and living at sea result in the trend of increasing numbers of experienced and highly educated seafarers leaving the profession. The study aims to investigate the seafaring conditions among Dalmatian seafarers, as well as their future career projections. It was conducted between June and July 2020 using the method of online survey, which included a snowball sample of 112 respondents. The results indicate a lack of satisfaction in relation to most of the considered aspects of seafaring, except for earnings, including the possibility of promotion and communication with family and friends. While most of the seafarers surveyed consider these conditions sufficient to spend their entire working lives at sea, one in three respondents has no such intention (31.4\%). More specifically, 42.6\% of the respondents intend to stay at sea only because they believe finding a better job ashore would Sociologija i prostor, 60 (",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.5673/sip.60.2.3",
    doi = "10.5673/sip.60.2.3",
    openalex = "W4309601368",
    references = "cranstone1989polynesian, doi101016jajsl201409005, doi10108000332747195911023166, doi1010800305764x2014936825, doi10108003071029908568050, doi101093socprospw023, doi1012019781420043426, doi101539johk10004, doi1023072574769, doi10432497813513277631, openalexw2166125931"
}

Abstract Prehistoric Polynesian voyaging into high latitudes with landfall in Antarctica remains a widely credited proposition. We examine it through archaeological and environmental evidence from the Subantarctic region of the southwest Pacific, focussing upon an extensive archaeological site at Sandy Bay on Enderby Island. Combining a new set of radiocarbon ages with former, older, ages we show that the site is now within the same rapid expansion phase in which South Polynesia was first colonised. Radiocarbon ages across the site indicate a single continuous settlement, probably of some decades. Consideration of limiting factors in Subantarctic settlement, including of seafaring capability and critical resources, suggests that the site was about as far south as prehistoric habitation could be sustained and was probably vacated at the onset of the Little Ice age (LIA) in the late 14th century. An absence of prehistoric remains on islands further south also suggests that Polynesian exploration reached a boundary 2000 km short of Antarctica. The southern case is discussed briefly in the wider context of Polynesian expansion.

@article{doi101002arco5337,
    author = "Anderson, Atholl and Becerra‐Valdivia, Lorena and Cadd, Haidee and Marjo, Christopher E. and Palmer, Jonathan and Turney, Chris and Wilmshurst, Janet M.",
    title = "The age and position of the southern boundary of prehistoric Polynesian dispersal",
    year = "2024",
    journal = "Archaeology in Oceania/Archæology \& physical anthropology in Oceania",
    abstract = "Abstract Prehistoric Polynesian voyaging into high latitudes with landfall in Antarctica remains a widely credited proposition. We examine it through archaeological and environmental evidence from the Subantarctic region of the southwest Pacific, focussing upon an extensive archaeological site at Sandy Bay on Enderby Island. Combining a new set of radiocarbon ages with former, older, ages we show that the site is now within the same rapid expansion phase in which South Polynesia was first colonised. Radiocarbon ages across the site indicate a single continuous settlement, probably of some decades. Consideration of limiting factors in Subantarctic settlement, including of seafaring capability and critical resources, suggests that the site was about as far south as prehistoric habitation could be sustained and was probably vacated at the onset of the Little Ice age (LIA) in the late 14th century. An absence of prehistoric remains on islands further south also suggests that Polynesian exploration reached a boundary 2000 km short of Antarctica. The southern case is discussed briefly in the wider context of Polynesian expansion.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1002/arco.5337",
    doi = "10.1002/arco.5337",
    openalex = "W4403092704",
    references = "doi101093oxfordhb97801976077700133"
}

The present study examines three variables that are associated with psychological issues in merchant seafarers: anxiety, depression and well-being. Furthermore, cut-off points have been established for three psychological scales: the Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD-7) questionnaire, the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9) and the World Health Organization's Well-Being Index (WHO-5). Two cross-sectional surveys were employed in this study, with a total sample size of 170 Spanish seafarers working on international merchant vessels. The participants were recruited at a branch of the Social Marine Institute situated in Gijón, northern Spain. The PHQ demonstrated the greatest discriminatory ability at each of the cut-off points, followed by the GAD and the WHO. The analysis revealed that while the PHQ exhibited the highest sensitivity, the GAD demonstrated the highest specificity, making it the most balanced questionnaire overall. Holiday duration was the only variable significantly related to any of the psychological scales, specifically the WHO. The findings of this study provide a foundation for further research in maritime mental health, with a particular focus on the prevention of maritime accidents.

@article{doi101016joceaneng2024118572,
    author = "Sánchez-González, A. and Díaz-Secades, Luis Alfonso and García-Fernández, Jaime and Menéndez-Teleña, Deva",
    title = "Screening for anxiety, depression and poor psychological well-being in Spanish seafarers: An empirical study of the cut-off points on three measures of psychological functioning",
    year = "2024",
    journal = "Ocean Engineering",
    abstract = "The present study examines three variables that are associated with psychological issues in merchant seafarers: anxiety, depression and well-being. Furthermore, cut-off points have been established for three psychological scales: the Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD-7) questionnaire, the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9) and the World Health Organization's Well-Being Index (WHO-5). Two cross-sectional surveys were employed in this study, with a total sample size of 170 Spanish seafarers working on international merchant vessels. The participants were recruited at a branch of the Social Marine Institute situated in Gijón, northern Spain. The PHQ demonstrated the greatest discriminatory ability at each of the cut-off points, followed by the GAD and the WHO. The analysis revealed that while the PHQ exhibited the highest sensitivity, the GAD demonstrated the highest specificity, making it the most balanced questionnaire overall. Holiday duration was the only variable significantly related to any of the psychological scales, specifically the WHO. The findings of this study provide a foundation for further research in maritime mental health, with a particular focus on the prevention of maritime accidents.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1016/j.oceaneng.2024.118572",
    doi = "10.1016/j.oceaneng.2024.118572",
    openalex = "W4399993500",
    references = "doi105673sip6023"
}

This article analyzes the multilayered practices of homemaking among the seafarers from a theoretical perspective on the polysemic nature of home, space, and masculinity. In addition, distinction is made between involuntary and involuntary types of isolation at sea (whereby professional sailors belong to the former and adventurous sailors to the latter). The research is based on remote ethnography that included semi-structured interviews, virtual “walks”, informal conversations, and photos.

@article{doi103986traditio2024530203,
    author = "Bajić, Nikolina Hazdovac",
    title = "Floating Homes: Homemaking Practices among Seafarers as Strategies against Isolation",
    year = "2024",
    journal = "Traditiones",
    abstract = "This article analyzes the multilayered practices of homemaking among the seafarers from a theoretical perspective on the polysemic nature of home, space, and masculinity. In addition, distinction is made between involuntary and involuntary types of isolation at sea (whereby professional sailors belong to the former and adventurous sailors to the latter). The research is based on remote ethnography that included semi-structured interviews, virtual “walks”, informal conversations, and photos.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.3986/traditio2024530203",
    doi = "10.3986/traditio2024530203",
    openalex = "W4405614265",
    references = "doi105673sip6023"
}

Abstract Traditional exchange systems of the western Pacific figure prominently in anthropological scholarship. In contrast, those of the east have been historically considered inconsequential, but recent scholarship (reviewed here) demonstrates this is not the case. Although less visible given the lack of metallurgy, ceramics, and distinctive geologies, exchange was pivotal to East Polynesian societies, from initial colonisation in the tenth to eleventh centuries AD through to Western contact, at both inter- and intra-archipelago scales. Social reciprocity (including gifting), risk management, and prestige rivalry (a form of costly signalling) stand out as important forces that shaped exchange practices across central East Polynesia (CEP). They manifest in multiple spheres of interaction that varied in size, content, directionality, intensity, and duration. Stone adzes—working tools, symbols of chiefly power and wealth, and objects of ritual efficacy—were prominent and enduring components of CEP exchange. Nonetheless, novel technologies are revealing other exchange valuables (e.g., bark-cloth and ornamental land snails) as well. Accumulating evidence points to the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries AD as a transformational period in CEP history, one where exchange played a crucial role. Key developments include a regional-scale interaction sphere emanating from the Marquesas Islands, the appearance of a distinctive ancestral East Polynesian adornment complex (AEPA), and regional dispersal of the highly productive South American sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas). By the sixteenth century, prestige exchange is well established in many archipelagos, feeding into wealth economies and complementing staple finance systems. Infra-community scale exchange also continues and, where tractable, informs on varied social practices, including emergent territoriality. Over time, the scale of many (but not all) CEP networks contract, and long-distance inter-archipelago exchange diminishes as cost–benefit ratios decline, and sociopolitical integration and territoriality take precedence. Current proxies undoubtedly under-estimate the diversity of CEP exchange goods and identifying the presence and provenances of valued flora, fauna, and attendant crafts is an important area for future studies.

@article{doi101007s10963025091891,
    author = "Allen, Melinda S.",
    title = "Reciprocity, Risk, and Rivalry: Variability in Central East Polynesian Exchange Networks",
    year = "2025",
    journal = "Journal of World Prehistory",
    abstract = "Abstract Traditional exchange systems of the western Pacific figure prominently in anthropological scholarship. In contrast, those of the east have been historically considered inconsequential, but recent scholarship (reviewed here) demonstrates this is not the case. Although less visible given the lack of metallurgy, ceramics, and distinctive geologies, exchange was pivotal to East Polynesian societies, from initial colonisation in the tenth to eleventh centuries AD through to Western contact, at both inter- and intra-archipelago scales. Social reciprocity (including gifting), risk management, and prestige rivalry (a form of costly signalling) stand out as important forces that shaped exchange practices across central East Polynesia (CEP). They manifest in multiple spheres of interaction that varied in size, content, directionality, intensity, and duration. Stone adzes—working tools, symbols of chiefly power and wealth, and objects of ritual efficacy—were prominent and enduring components of CEP exchange. Nonetheless, novel technologies are revealing other exchange valuables (e.g., bark-cloth and ornamental land snails) as well. Accumulating evidence points to the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries AD as a transformational period in CEP history, one where exchange played a crucial role. Key developments include a regional-scale interaction sphere emanating from the Marquesas Islands, the appearance of a distinctive ancestral East Polynesian adornment complex (AEPA), and regional dispersal of the highly productive South American sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas). By the sixteenth century, prestige exchange is well established in many archipelagos, feeding into wealth economies and complementing staple finance systems. Infra-community scale exchange also continues and, where tractable, informs on varied social practices, including emergent territoriality. Over time, the scale of many (but not all) CEP networks contract, and long-distance inter-archipelago exchange diminishes as cost–benefit ratios decline, and sociopolitical integration and territoriality take precedence. Current proxies undoubtedly under-estimate the diversity of CEP exchange goods and identifying the presence and provenances of valued flora, fauna, and attendant crafts is an important area for future studies.",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1007/s10963-025-09189-1",
    doi = "10.1007/s10963-025-09189-1",
    openalex = "W4411134976",
    references = "doi103390d9030037"
}

@misc{crossrefNoneseafaring,
    title = "Seafaring in the Polynesian Outliers",
    year = "None",
    booktitle = "SpringerReference",
    url = "https://doi.org/10.1007/springerreference\_78363",
    doi = "10.1007/springerreference\_78363",
    openalex = "W4255800971"
}